What Is Fueling the Protests in Iran?
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¿Qué está provocando las protestas en Irán?

¿Deberian los EEUU hacer algo al respecto? Si es así, ¿qué?

Por Isaac Chotiner, Slate, 1 de enero, 2018. http://www.slate.com/news-and-politics/2017/12/protests-flare-in-cities-across-iran-as-thousands-express-dissatisfaction-with-rouhani-government.html.

El jueves, las protestas estallaron por todo Irán, y hasta ahora dejaron como resultado al menos una docena de muertos. Las causas de la revuelta, que van desde el descontento con la economía del país a su sofocante sistema político, han ejercido presión sobre el líder supremo de Irán, ayatollah Al Khamenei, y su presidente menos conservador, Hassan Rouhani.

Para debatir la situación en Irán, hablé por teléfono con Karim Sadjadpour, un socio preferente de la fundación Carnegie para la paz internacional. Durante el curso de nuestra conversación, que ha sido editada y condensada para mayor claridad, hablamos sobre cómo de fuerte es el régimen de Irán, qué es lo que realmente quieren los manifestantes, y cómo es probable que reaccionen los Estados Unidos y los vecinos de Irán.

Isaac Chotiner: En los últimos 15 años, han ocurrido un número de sucesos que han sido todos ellos analizados a través del prisma de un Irán en alza--la invasión de Iraq por Estados Unidos, el acuerdo nuclear con Irán, la casi victoria del aliado de Irán, Bashar Assad en la guerra civil Siria. ¿Se ha pensado de Irán como un país emergente, y la última semana se ha cambiado de parecer?

Karin Sadjadpour: Pienso que es cierto que Irán se ha vuelto más poderoso en el exterior como resultado de un vacío de poder en Oriente Medio. En 2003, eliminamos el gobierno de Iraq, e Irán ha rellenado ese vacío de poder. La revolución del 2011 en el mundo árabe, destruyó los gobiernos centrales en lugares como Yemen, en cierta medida Siria, e Irán también trató de llenar esos vacíos de poder Ciertamente, es verdad que en Oriente Medio la influencia de Irán se ha expandido, pero pienso que hemos olvidado el relato de la creciente frustración económica, política y social en Irán.

Ha habido rumores de que estas manifestaciones realmente fueron iniciadas por partidarios de la línea dura del régimen que querían socavar al presidente Rouhani. ¿Cree que hay algo de verdad en ese rumor?

Es difícil de confirmar, pero pienso que es muy plausible. Pero incluso aunque haya políticos de la línea dura que alienten al pueblo a manifestar sus frustraciones económicas contra el presidente Rouhani, ahora ha cobrado una nueva vitalidad. 0 Están siendo provocadas por el mismo tipo de rabia y frustración que alimentan las protestas antigubernamentales en todo el mundo: una combinación del aumento del coste de la vida, corrupción y represión. Pero pienso que algo exclusivo de la República Islámica de Irán es que no solo es autoritaria política y económicamente , sino también socialmente. Te dicen qué puedes vestir, lo que puedes o no beber, con quién puedes relacionarte. Creo que esto está siendo desde hace tiempo una fuente de frustración en particular para los iraníes jóvenes.

¿Qué piensa que las manifestaciones ponen de manifiesto sobre las fisuras en el seno del régimen?

Bueno, sospecho que mucha de la gente que protesta probablemente votó al presidente Rouhani. No necesariamente porque lo quisieran, sino porque pensaron que era la mejor elección que se les ofrecía. Así, es difícil para Rouhani ir fuera y abogar por aplastarlos porque ellos fueron esencialmente sus electores. Ahora, hay inquietud, que algunos iraníes han expresado, de que la Guardia Revolucionaria esté realmente permitiendo estas protestas para agravarlas y finalmente usarlas como pretexto para expandir su autoridad en el país.

Una de las cosas que tenemos que mantener en mente es que estas protestas, los ciudadanos que protestan, no son líderes. Están desorganizados. No están armados. El aparato coercitivo del régimen, la Guardia Revolucionaria y la milicia Basij, está fuertemente armado. Están muy organizados. Tienen una gran experiencia con la represión y el control de multitudes. Son expertos en la meteria. No solo pueden confiar en un aparato coercitivo iraní, sino que durante la última década, Irán ha estado entrenando a las milicias chiítas. Ya sabe, Hezbollah en Líbano. Han estado reuniendo milicias afganas y pakistaníes para luchar en Siria. Así que, si están preocupados de que no pueden contar con los iraníes para reprimir a otros iraníes, el régimen tiene potencialmente a los mercenarios chiíes a su disposición.

¿Cuál ha sido hasta ahora la reacción de los otros estados del Golfo a todo esto?

Pienso que las autoridades del Golfo, especialmente las autoridades saudíes, están muy entusiasmadas de que el régimen iraní esté en una situación difícil, porque fueron las autoridades iraníes quienes estuvieron produciendo el colapso de la casa de Saud.

Desde el punto de vista saudí, ¿es el régimen en Irán el peor posible que pueden tener allí?

Una de las paradojas de Irán en el contexto de Oriente Medio es que la mayoría de los gobiernos de Oriente Medio están regidos por autócratas laicas que reprimen a la oposición principalmente islámica. Ese es el caso de Egipto, el régimen de Assad y, hasta cierto punto, yo diría, las monarquías del Golfo Pérsico. En Irán, usted tiene la dinámica opuesta. Es una autocracia islamista que reprime a una oposición principalmente secular. Entonces, pienso que mucha gente cree que si Irán adquiriera un gobierno más representativo, y persiguiera intereses nacionales en lugar de la ideología revolucionaria, eso sería un buen presagio para los Estados Unidos y para Arabia Saudí.

Supongo que solo estaba pensando más cínicamente. Tal vez a los saudíes les guste tener un adversario en la región al que puedan culpar y usar como excusa para cualquier política exterior agresiva que quieran.

Creo que en todos los países del mundo, incluso en los Estados Unidos, hay elementos de la línea dura que prosperan mediante el uso de amenazas externas para la conveniencia interna. Francamente, sobre todo, eso refleja a la República Islámica de Irán . Eso es lo que el régimen ha estado haciendo durante cuatro décadas, utilizar amenazas externas para la conveniencia política interna.

No quiero derivar esta conversación hacia los Estados Unidos, pero, ¿piensa que el acuerdo nuclear o la respuesta de Trump al acuerdo nuclear desempeñan algún papel en la situación internacional de Irán?

La gente estaba abrumadoramente a favor del acuerdo nuclear. Siempre argumenté que la sociedad iraní aspira a ser como Corea del Sur, no como Corea del Norte. Pero creo... Crane Brinton, que escribió un libro sobre revoluciones, argumentó que los levantamientos populares muchas veces suceden cuando se alientan las expectativas del pueblo y luego se defraudan bruscamente. Así, se elevaron las expectativas por el acuerdo nuclear, pero no se mejoró sustancialmente la calidad de vida.

Una cosa que se observa de la protesta es que no se oye ningún eslogan denunciando las sanciones ni denunciando a Estados Unidos ni a Donld Trump. Las consignas principalmente denuncian a los dirigentes de Irán y la corrupción y la mala administración. Así, pienso esta es una de las cosas que equivocadamente confundimos por una falta de acceso a Irán, es que son este tipo de frustraciones que, no realmente la gente en Tehran, sino fuera de Tehran ha estado experimentando. Eso no se nos ha expuesto. Hemos confiado más en periodistas cuya fuente principal es a través del ministro de asuntos exteriores Javad Zarif, que ha tuiteado que todos los iraníes son simpatizantes de los guardias de la revolución y que todos los iraníes se oponen a las políticas de EE.UU, lo cual...Irán es una sociedad plural de 80 millones de personas. Algunos apoyan al régimen. Muchos se oponen. Si hay algo que hemos aprendido, es que a pesar de toda la cantidad de nuestros datos y encuestas, nadie acertó la elección de Donald Trump. Así, realmente tenemos que ser humildes sobre nuestra habilidad de hacer juicios.

¿Hay algo que la Casa Blanca debería hacer o no hacer?

Pienso que la Casa Blanca, la administración Trump, no debe centrarse en quė decir, sino en qué hacer. Creo que lo más importante que tienen que hacer es pensar sobre los modos de prevenir que el gobierno iraní sea capaz de cerrar Internet, y controlar y monopolizar la información. Una forma en que creo que Estados Unidos puede hacer eso es dejar claro a las empresas y países de todo el mundo que si se les encuentra cómplices en proporcionar al gobierno iraní los medios y la tecnología para reprimir o censurar a la gente, serán censurados por los Estados Unidos.

¿Es más difícil decir eso a las empresas cuando no somos congruentes en nuestra indignación con países de la región que reprimen a sus pueblos?

Escuche, si usted es un político estadounidense o está trabajando para el Departamento de Estado, y piensa en los intereses nacionales de los EE.UU., un movimiento de protesta contra un gobierno cuya consigna oficial es "muerte a los Estados Unidos" es más atrayente para usted que un movimiento de protesta contra la monarquía de Jordania, que es aliada de los Estados Unidos. Así, siempre va a haber ahí una inconsistencia moral porque usted no está considerando esto a través de una lente exclusivamente moral. Usted lo está considerando a través de la lente de los intereses nacionales de los EE.UU. Pues sí, las protestas antigubernamentales en Irán dan esperanza a los funcionarios de los EE.UU. Protestas antigubernamentales en Jordania o Arabia Saudí producirían indigestión a los oficiales de EE.UU.
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What Is Fueling the Protests in Iran?
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And what, if anything, should the U.S. do about it?
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Have you thought of Iran as rising, and has the last week changed your opinion?
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In 2003, we removed the government of Iraq, and Iran has effectively filled that power vacuum.
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Do you put any truth in that rumor?
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It’s difficult to confirm, but I think it's very plausible.
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It tells you what you can wear, what you can or can't drink, whom you can interact with.
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I think that's been a long-time source of frustration in particular for young Iranians.
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What do you think the demonstrations reveal about the cleavages within the regime itself?
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They're unorganized.
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They're unarmed.
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They're heavily organized.
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They have a level of experience with repression and crowd control.
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They have that down to a science.
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You know, Hezbollah in Lebanon.
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They've been assembling Afghan and Pakistani militia men to fight in Syria.
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What has been the reaction to all this so far from the other Gulf states?
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From the Saudi point of view, is the regime in Iran the worst possible regime they could have there?
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In Iran, you have the opposite dynamic.
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It's an Islamist autocracy, repressing a primarily secular opposition.
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I guess I was just thinking more cynically.
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Frankly, that captures the Islamic Republic of Iran above all.
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People were overwhelmingly supportive of the nuclear deal.
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I've always argued that Iranian society aspires to be like South Korea, not North Korea.
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The slogans are essentially denouncing Iran's leadership and corruption and mismanagement.
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We haven't been exposed to that.
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Some support the regime.
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Many dislike the regime.
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So, we really have to be humble about our ability to make judgments.
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Is there anything that the White House should do or not do?
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You're looking at this through the lens of U.S. national interests.
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So yeah, anti-government protests in Iran give U.S. officials hope.
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Anti-government protests in Jordan or Saudi Arabia would give U.S. officials indigestion.
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What Is Fueling the Protests in Iran?

And what, if anything, should the U.S. do about it?

By Isaac Chotiner, Slate, January 1, 2018.

http://www.slate.com/news-and-politics/2017/12/protests-flare-in-cities-across-iran-as-thousands-express-dissatisfaction-with-rouhani-government.html.

On Thursday, protests broke out all over Iran, and have so far resulted in the deaths of at least a dozen people. The causes of the upheaval, ranging from discontent with the country’s economy and its stifling political system, have put pressure on both Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and its less conservative president, Hassan Rouhani.

To discuss the situation in Iran, I spoke by phone with Karim Sadjadpour, a senior fellow at The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. During the course of our conversation, which has been edited and condensed for clarity, we discussed just how strong Iran’s regime is, what the demonstrators really want, and how the United States and Iran’s neighbors are likely to react.

Isaac Chotiner: In the last 15 years, there have been a number of events that have all been analyzed through the prism of a rising Iran—the American invasion of Iraq, the nuclear deal with Iran, the near-victory of Iran’s ally Bashar Assad in the Syrian civil war. Have you thought of Iran as rising, and has the last week changed your opinion?

Karim Sadjadpour: I think it's true that Iran has become more powerful externally as a result of power vacuums in the Middle East. In 2003, we removed the government of Iraq, and Iran has effectively filled that power vacuum. The 2011 uprising in the Arab world destroyed central governments in places like Yemen, in Syria to some extent, and Iran also tried to fill those power vacuums. Certainly, it's true that in the Middle East, Iran's influence has expanded, but I think the story we have missed is growing economic, political and social frustration within Iran.

There were rumors that these demonstrations were actually started by hard-liners in the regime who wanted to undermine President Rouhani. Do you put any truth in that rumor?

It’s difficult to confirm, but I think it's very plausible. But if indeed it was hard-liners who encouraged people to voice their economic frustrations against President Rouhani, it's now taken on a new life. It's being fueled by the same type of anger and frustrations that fuel anti-government protests around the world: a combination of rising living costs, corruption, repression. But I think one thing that is somewhat unique about the Islamic Republic of Iran is that it's not only politically and economically authoritarian, but it's also socially authoritarian. It tells you what you can wear, what you can or can't drink, whom you can interact with. I think that's been a long-time source of frustration in particular for young Iranians.

What do you think the demonstrations reveal about the cleavages within the regime itself?

Well, I'm guessing that many of the people who are protesting are people who probably voted for President Rouhani. Not necessarily because they love him, but because they thought he was the best choice offered to them. So, it's difficult for Rouhani to come out and advocate crushing them because these were essentially his constituents. Now, there are concerns that some Iranians have said that the Revolutionary Guard are actually allowing these protests to fester to eventually use as a pretext for coming in and crushing them and expanding their authority in the country.

One of the things we have to keep in mind is that these protests, the citizens who are protesting, they're leaderless. They're unorganized. They're unarmed. The regime's coercive apparatus, the Revolutionary Guard and the Basij militia, they're heavily armed. They're heavily organized. They have a level of experience with repression and crowd control. They have that down to a science. Not only can they rely on an Iranian coercive apparatus, but for the last decade, Iran has been training the Shia militias. You know, Hezbollah in Lebanon. They've been assembling Afghan and Pakistani militia men to fight in Syria. So, if they're worried they can't count on Iranians to repress other Iranians, the regime potentially has the Shia mercenaries at their disposal.

What has been the reaction to all this so far from the other Gulf states?

I think that Gulf officials, particularly Saudi officials, are very enthusiastic that the Iranian regime is being embarrassed, because for the last years, it's been Iranian officials who are predicting the collapse of the House of Saud.

From the Saudi point of view, is the regime in Iran the worst possible regime they could have there?

One of the paradoxes of Iran in the Middle Eastern context is that most Middle Eastern governments are ruled by secular autocrats who are repressing primarily Islamic opposition. That's the case in Egypt, the Assad regime, to some extent, I would argue the Persian Gulf monarchies. In Iran, you have the opposite dynamic. It's an Islamist autocracy, repressing a primarily secular opposition. So, I think that many people believe that if Iran were to become a more representative government, and pursue national interests instead of revolutionary ideology, that would bode well for the United States, for Saudi Arabia.

I guess I was just thinking more cynically. Maybe the Saudis like having a regional adversary that they can blame everything on and use as an excuse for whatever aggressive foreign policy they want.

I think in every country around the world, including in the United States, there are hardline elements that thrive by using external threats for internal expediency. Frankly, that captures the Islamic Republic of Iran above all. That's what the regime has been doing for four decades, using external threats for internal political expediency.

I don't want to make this conversation about the United States, but do you see the nuclear deal or Trump's response to the nuclear deal as playing any part in the internal situation in Iran?

People were overwhelmingly supportive of the nuclear deal. I've always argued that Iranian society aspires to be like South Korea, not North Korea. But I think ... Crane Brinton, who wrote a book about revolutions, he argued that popular uprisings often times happen when people's expectations are raised and then abruptly dashed. So, people's expectations were raised by the nuclear deal, but the quality of life hasn't materially improved.

One thing you notice from the protest is that I haven't heard any slogans denouncing sanctions or denouncing America or Donald Trump. The slogans are essentially denouncing Iran's leadership and corruption and mismanagement. So, I think this is one of the things we unfortunately miss by a lack of access to Iran, is that these kinds of daily frustrations that, not really people in Tehran, but people outside of Tehran have been experiencing. We haven't been exposed to that. We're much more reliant on journalists whose main access is through Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, who has tweeted that all Iranians are sympathetic to the revolutionary guards and all Iranians are opposed to U.S. policies, which ... Iran is a diverse society of 80 million people. Some support the regime. Many dislike the regime. If there's one thing we've learned, it is that all of our big data and polling, no one got the election of Donald Trump right. So, we really have to be humble about our ability to make judgments.

Is there anything that the White House should do or not do?

I think the White House, the Trump administration, should not be focusing on what to say, but what to do. I think what's most important for them to do is to think about ways to prevent the Iranian government from being able to shut down the Internet, and control and monopolize communication. One way I think the U.S. can do that is to make clear to companies and countries around the world that if they're found complicit in providing the Iranian government the means and technology to repress or censor people, they'll be censured by the United States.

Is it harder to tell companies that, when we are not consistent in our outrage about countries in the region repressing their people?

Listen, if you're an American politician or you're working at the State Department, and you're thinking about U.S. national interests, a protest movement against a government whose official slogan is "Death to America" is more appealing to you than a protest movement against the Jordanian monarchy, which is allied with the United States. So, there's always going to be a moral inconsistency there because you're not looking at this through a purely moral lens. You're looking at this through the lens of U.S. national interests. So yeah, anti-government protests in Iran give U.S. officials hope. Anti-government protests in Jordan or Saudi Arabia would give U.S. officials indigestion.