en-es  Woollydays_Stolen_Queensland_Native_Police
Recuerdo del impacto de la policía indígena en Queensland (11 noviembre, 2017; Derek Barry). Cuando pienso sobre las muchas razones de porqué Australia necesita negociar con sus habitantes indígenas, todos ellas han sido enterradas en la historia de Australia.

A muchos les gustaría que esas memorias se enterraran para siempre, pero en el Día del Recuerdo no podemos permitirlo.

Los primeros australianos vinieron aquí incluso antes que hubiera una cosa llamada Australia. Donde ellos se asentaron fue en Sahul, un continente que unía Nueva Guinea con Australia continental y la isla de Tasmania. Los primeros asentamientos terrestres estuvieron mucho tiempo enterrados bajo el avance de la costa en las épocas más cálidas pero actualmente las evidencias sugieren la presencia humana desde hace 68 000 años.

Se expandieron rápidamente a lo largo de Sahul-- los primeros humanos reconocibles fuera de África fueron encontrados en el extremo oeste de nueva Gales del Sur. Nueva Guinea y Tasmania finalmente se separaron de Australia pero las tres tuvieron culturas que sobrevivieon milenios y configuraron su medio ambiente a través del hábil uso del fuego-- exitosamente incluso en Tasmania con una población de solo 5000 almas.

Pero fue en Queensland donde llegó la mayor cantidad de gente, atraída por su clima más favorable y sus ricas fuentes de alimentos. Los blancos no llegaron aquí en cantidad hasta la década de 1830. "No están haciendo nada con la tierra y la queremos", era su creencia, pero con los números que favorecían a los aborígenes, no era obvio que inmediatamente obtendrían lo que querían.

No fue hasta la evolución del armamento de las décadas de 1840 y 1850 cuando los europeos comenzaron a ganar la guerra. Las autoridades de Sydney hicieron la vista gorda a la violencia en la frontera, pronunciando homilías sobre la ley británica mientras permitían a los invasores tomar un país "disponible".

Las cosas empeoraron con la separación de Queensland en 1859. Las autoridades recién arruinadas de Brisbane tenían una buena razón para vender el país aborigen como la única cosa de la que podían sacar dinero Tenían intereses personales en aplastar la resistencia.

Las actitudes se endurecieron debido a dos sucesos justo antes y después de la separación. Uno fue el asesinato de 11 colonos en Hornet Bank en el Uper Dawson en 1857 y el otro el asesinato de 19 personas de la partida de Wils en Culin-la-Ringo, cerca de Springsure en1861.

Los Frazer en Hornet Bank eran bien conocidos por molestar a las mujeres aborígenes, mientras en Cullin-la-Ringo había evidencia del secuestro de dos niños locales. Pero estas causas fueron pasadas por alto entre los clamores sobre confiar demasiado en los aborígenes y la furia justificada hacia los "negros salvajes".

Ambas masacres provocaron masivas venganzas frenéticas, muchas más de 11 o 18. Pocos vivieron para contarlo. La historia de Hornet Bank de Gordon Reid sugiere que policía nativa y colonos armados asesinaron entre 150 y 300 de personas jiman.

En Cullin-la-Ringo una banda de venganza asesinó a todos los adultos negros que encontró en un radio de 100 millas. Los colonos asesinaron con impunidad No se hizo justicia, y la frontera avanzó más al oeste y al norte.

Sin embargo, no fue suficiente para hacer que los colonos se sintieran seguros. Ese era el trabajo de la Policía Nativa. Las fuerzas de la Policía Nativa (generalmente un grupo de tres a ocho indígenas liderados por un oficial europeo) se utilizaron en Hornet Bank y en las colonias australianas en el siglo XIX.

Su necesidad llegó con la expansión del control británico de Australia en la década de 1840, desarrollándose a partir de patrullas de rudos convictos. A menudo los soldados indígenas eran reclutados a punta de pistola. Fue la táctica del Imperio de "divide y vencerás" el usar grupos nativos sin lealtades a otros grupos.

Ofrecían muchas importantes ventajas, incluyendo la familiaridad con el terreno y tenían menos problemas médicos con las enfermedades tropicales. Además se les pagaba menos y acampaban al aire libre durante las operaciones y se alimentaban por sí mismos.

Desposeyeron a la gente aborigen en todos los sitios pero en ningún lugar su impacto fue tan grande ni tan prolongado como en Queensland. Incluso en este día que conmemora la historia militar, nadie ha oído sobre ellos.

No sorprende que la definición de Jonathan Richards de la historia de la Policía Nativa de Queensland se llame La guerra secreta.

Incluso en 2017 sigue siendo mayormente un secreto. Sin embargo, la policía nativa de Queensland fue, como Richards dice "el símbolo de la política nativa, invasión y despojo a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX". Siempre fueron conocidos como fuerza asesina pero la policía nativa de Queensland sobrevivió hasta el siglo XX a pesar de la furia porque le convenía a sus patronos. Fueron una empresa militar exitosa. Al sofocar la resistencia en la frontera, aumentaron el valor de las tierras del gobierno.

La Policía Nativa era policía solo de nombre, más propiamente una unidad de "fuerzas especiales" con un propósito específico de suprimir la resistencia indígena a la colonización. La Policía Nativa tenía la ventaja de caballos y mejores armas de fuego, a la par que los sistemas postales y telegráficos eficientes permitían la transmisión de las órdenes sin problemas .

Muchos oficiales eran antiguos soldados de otras partes del imperio y su antiguo amiguismo masculino aseguró a muchos que no fueran nunca castigados por sus fechorías, incluyendo incluso asesinatos. Como la policía operaba en la frontera estaba constantemente en movimiento, hacia el oeste y hacia el norte. Durante cuatro décadas, los cuarteles de la Policía Nativa determinaron el frente móvil.

La visión oficial era que la policía nativa actuara en respuesta a ataques de los aborígenes en áreas "no colonizadas". En 1872 el secretario colonial Arthur Palmer expuso que el gobierno de Queensland "nunca había seguido una política de exterminio" pero esta era una flagrante mentira, expuesta por los periódicos de la época.

En 1868 el corresponsal en Burkentown informó casualmente que "todos en el distrito se alegran de la matanza masiva llevada a cabo por la policia nativa y dan las gracias al Sr, Uhr (subinspector de la policial nativa) por su energía en eliminar del distrito a cincuenta y nueve( 59) myalls". Energía fue una forma de discribirlo, otra forma era "terror". El castigo era más práctico que la prevención. Los mandos aterrorizaban deliberadamente e intimidaban a los aborígenes con violencia y amenazas, respaldados por disparos. El libro de Robert Orsted-Jensen Frontier History Revisited (2011) estimó que alrededor de 11 personas murieron en cada "dispersión".

El comisario de policía durante mucho tiempo, David Seymour, afirmó que sus tácticas estaban justificadas contra combatientes feroces, aunque la llamada a sus oficiales para que informaran de todos los detalles de cada "colisión" fue ignorada mayoritariamenta. Palabras como "colisiones" y "dispersiones" eran eufemismos diseñados para olvidar que había vidas involucradas.

Mucha gente despreciaba a la policía nativa, pero los principales partidarios eran los colonos de las áreas remotas que creían, como Charles Bradley en Bowen en 1871, que "los negros eran más peligrosos y atrevidos" sin la presencia de la policia. Para entonces la frontera se había desplazado hacia los yacimientos de oro del norte y los mineros estaban tan dispuestos como los colonos a asegurarse que los aborígenes no se interpusieran en su camino.

Con la guerra declarada en el yacimiento de oro del río Palmer cerca de Cooktown, la policía nativa no tenía poder, salvo contribuir con cuadrillas de venganza cada vez que un blanco era asesinado. En todas partes hubo colisión tras colisión, sabiendo seguro que como un periódico regional dijo, "nunca se convencería a un jurado de dictar una sentencia de asesinato por la muerte de un negro."

La policia admitió pequeños detalles sobre sus operaciones, si bien un oficial dijo en una investigación que ciertas personas "se metían en problemas". Los altos mandos hicieron la vista gorda cuando quebrantaban la ley británica cada día en la frontera. Todos, colonos, mineros y policías, sabían que los asesinatos indiscriminados no estaban bien, así que había que ocultarlos.

Todavía en 1897, el comisario de Policía Nativa WE Parry-Okeden argumentó que la fuerza aún era necesaria. En un informe al parlamento llamado " Los aborígenes del Norte de Queensland y la policia nativa", Parry-Okeden escribió que era "un hecho bien conocido, que el único control posible que se puede obtener al principio y mantenerse sobre los negros salvajes o no civilizados es mediante el ejercicio y exhibición de fuerza superior. "Esa fuerza, dijo, solo podría ser aplicada por personas" que reconocen como capaces de competir con ellos en sus propias tácticas, rastreo, astucia, tradición o subsistencia". Por supuesto, siempre se requería disciplina blanca. "Reitero que un destacamento de la policía nativa fuerte y bien asentado patrullando constantemente entre ellos es absolutamente necesario", concluyó.

Fue el final de la resistencia unos años después lo que hizo que esas patrullas fueran innecesarias. Los rastreadores negros fueron introducidos en la policía regular de Queensland mientras que la fuerza nativa fue silenciosamente olvidada.

La policía nativa fue un incómodo recordatorio de la pobreza previa de Queensland. Pero había hecho el trabajo de sus amos y los aborígenes fueron derrotados Muchos fueron asesinados, mientras que los supervivientes serían neutralizados en reservas en Barambah (Cherboug), Mappon, Yarrabah, Woorabindah, isla de Palma y en otros lugares. Desde entonces Queensland pertenece mayoritariamente a los blancos.

Noel Loos estima que 10 000 aborígenes murieron en el conflicto fronterizo en Queensland, alrededor de la mitad del número total de aborígenes muertos en la frontera australiana. Los monumentos dedicados a ellos son escasos y aislados.

En el crepúsculo y al amanecer, deberíamos recordarlos.
unit 2
Many would like those memories permanently buried, but on Remembrance Day we cannot allow this.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 3
The first Australians came here before there was even a thing called Australia.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 9
White people didn’t land here in numbers until the 1830s.
2 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 11
It wasn’t until advanced weaponry of the 1840s and 1850s that the Europeans began to win the war.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 13
Matters worsened with the separation of Queensland in 1859.
1 Translations, 3 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 15
They had a vested interest in crushing resistance.
1 Translations, 3 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 16
Attitudes were hardened by two events just before and after separation.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 20
Both massacres prompted massive revenge sprees, in number well beyond 11 or 18.
2 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 21
Few lived to tell the tale.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 23
At Cullin-la-Ringo a reprisal gang killed every adult black they found in a 100 mile radius.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 24
Settlers killed with impunity.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 4 weeks ago
unit 25
No justice was brought to bear, and the frontier pushed further west and north.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 26
Yet it was not enough to make settlers feel safe.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 27
That was the job of Native Police.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 30
Indigenous Troopers were often recruited at the point of a gun.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 31
It was the Empire’s divide and rule tactic to use Native groups with no loyalties to other groups.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 35
Yet on this day commemorating military history, no one has heard of them.
2 Translations, 3 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 37
Even in 2017 it remains mostly a secret.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 39
They were a successful military enterprise.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 40
By quelling resistance on the frontier, they increased the government’s land values.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 44
Because the force operated on the frontier it was constantly on the move, westward and northward.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 45
Over four decades, the Native Police barracks mapped the moving front.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 49
Retribution was more practical than prevention.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 59
Top brass turned a blind eye they were breaking British law on the frontier every day.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 60
Settlers, miners and police all knew indiscriminate killing was wrong, so it had to be hidden.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 61
As late as 1897 Native Police commissioner WE Parry-Okeden argued the force was still needed.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 63
Of course, white discipline was always required.
1 Translations, 1 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 65
It was the end of resistance a few years later that made those patrols unnecessary.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 67
The Native Police was an inconvenient reminder of Queensland’s previous poverty.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 68
But it had done the work of its masters and the Aboriginal people had been defeated.
2 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 70
Queensland now mostly did belong to the whitefellas.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 72
The monuments to them are few and far between.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 3 weeks ago
unit 73
At the going down of the sun and in the morning, we should remember them.
1 Translations, 2 Upvotes, Last Activity 9 months, 2 weeks ago
carme2222 • 6300  commented on  unit 62  9 months, 3 weeks ago

Remembering the Impact of the Queensland Native Police
(November 11, 2017; Derek Barry)

When I think of the many reasons why Australia needs to negotiate with its Indigenous inhabitants, they are all buried in Australian history.

Many would like those memories permanently buried, but on Remembrance Day we cannot allow this.

The first Australians came here before there was even a thing called Australia. Where they landed was Sahul, a continent that linked New Guinea with mainland Australia and the island of Tasmania. Their earliest landing sites are long gone buried under the rising shore of warmer times but evidence now suggests a human presence of 68,000 years.

They spread across Sahul rapidly – the earliest identifiable human outside of Africa was found in far western New South Wales. New Guinea and Tasmania eventually split away from Australia but all three had cultures that survived millennia and shaped their environment through adroit use of fire – even Tasmania with a population of just 5000 souls succeeded.

But it was to Queensland where the largest number of people came, attracted by its mostly favourable climate and its rich food sources. White people didn’t land here in numbers until the 1830s. “They are doing nothing with the land and we want it” was their belief but with numbers favouring Aboriginal people, it wasn’t immediately obvious they would get what they want.

It wasn’t until advanced weaponry of the 1840s and 1850s that the Europeans began to win the war. Authorities in Sydney turned a blind eye to the violence on the frontier, speading homilies about British law while enabling Squatters to take “vacant” country.

Matters worsened with the separation of Queensland in 1859. Newly penniless authorities in Brisbane had a good reason to sell Aboriginal country as the only thing they could make money from. They had a vested interest in crushing resistance.

Attitudes were hardened by two events just before and after separation. One was the killing of 11 settlers at Hornet Bank in the Upper Dawson in 1857 and the other was the killing of 19 of the Wills party at Cullin-la-Ringo near Springsure in 1861.

The Frazers at Hornet Bank were well known for their interference with Aboriginal women while at Cullin-la-Ringo there was evidence of abduction of two local boys. But these causes were overlooked amid cries of trusting the Aborigines too much and righteous fury about “black savages”.

Both massacres prompted massive revenge sprees, in number well beyond 11 or 18. Few lived to tell the tale. Gordon Reid’s history on Hornet Banks suggest native police and armed settlers killed between 150 to 300 Jiman people.

At Cullin-la-Ringo a reprisal gang killed every adult black they found in a 100 mile radius. Settlers killed with impunity. No justice was brought to bear, and the frontier pushed further west and north.

Yet it was not enough to make settlers feel safe. That was the job of Native Police. Native Police forces (usually a group of three to eight Indigenous people led by a European officer) were used at Hornet Bank and across the Australian colonies in the 19th century.

Their need came with the expansion of British control of Australia in the 1840s developing from rough convict patrols. Indigenous Troopers were often recruited at the point of a gun. It was the Empire’s divide and rule tactic to use Native groups with no loyalties to other groups.

They enjoyed many important advantages including familiarity with the terrain, and had less medical problems in tropical areas. They were also were paid less and were expected to camp in the open during operations and feed themselves.

They dispossessed Aboriginal people everywhere but nowhere was their impact as great or as long-lasting as Queensland. Yet on this day commemorating military history, no one has heard of them.

It is no surprise Jonathan Richards’ defining history of Queensland’s Native Police is called The Secret War.

Even in 2017 it remains mostly a secret. Yet the Queensland Native Police were, as Richards says “the symbol of Native policy, invasion and dispossession throughout the second half of the 19th century.”

They were always known as murderous force but the Queensland Native Police survived into the 20th century despite the fury because it suited their employers. They were a successful military enterprise. By quelling resistance on the frontier, they increased the government’s land values.

The Native Police were police in name only, more properly a “special forces” unit with a specific purpose to suppress Indigenous resistance to colonisation. The Native Police had the advantage of horses and better firearms while efficient postal and telegraph systems allowed the smooth transmission of orders.

Many officers were former army men from other parts of the Empire and its old boy network ensured many were never punished for misdeeds, up to and including murder. Because the force operated on the frontier it was constantly on the move, westward and northward. Over four decades, the Native Police barracks mapped the moving front.

The official view was that the Native Police operated in response to Aboriginal attacks in “unsettled” areas. In 1872 Colonial Secretary Arthur Palmer claimed the Queensland government “had never followed a policy of extermination” but this was a blatant lie, exposed by newspapers of the era.

In 1868 the Burketown correspondent reported casually that “everyone in the district is delighted with the wholesale slaughter dealt out by the native police and thank Mr Uhr (sub inspector of native police) for his energy in ridding the district of fiftynine (59) myalls.”

Energy was one way to describe it, another way was “terror”. Retribution was more practical than prevention. Commanders deliberately terrified and intimidated Aboriginal people with violence and threats, backed by gunfire. Robert Orsted-Jensen’s book Frontier History Revisited (2011) estimated around 11 people died in each “dispersal”.

Long term police commissioner David Seymour claimed their tactics were justified against ferocious fighters though his call to his officers to report full details of every “collision” was mostly ignored. Words like “collisions” and “dispersals” were euphemisms designed to forget that lives were involved.

Many people despised the Native Police, but the main supporters were settlers in remote areas who believed, as Charles Bradley in Bowen did in 1871, that “the Blacks were more dangerous and daring” without police presence. By then the frontier had moved to the northern goldfields and miners were just as determined as settlers to ensure Aboriginal people did not get in their way.

With open warfare at the Palmer River goldfield near Cooktown, the Native Police were powerless, other than assisting with revenge parties whenever a white person was killed. Elsewhere it was collision after collision, safe in the knowledge that as a regional paper said, “You will never get a jury to bring in a verdict of murder for the killing of a black”.

Police admitted little details about their operations, though one officer told an Inquest some people “asked for trouble”. Top brass turned a blind eye they were breaking British law on the frontier every day. Settlers, miners and police all knew indiscriminate killing was wrong, so it had to be hidden.

As late as 1897 Native Police commissioner WE Parry-Okeden argued the force was still needed. In a report to parliament called “North Queensland Aborigines and the Native Police” Parry-Okeden wrote it was “a well known fact, that the only control possible to be obtained at the outset and maintained over wild or uncivilised blacks is by the exercise and exhibition of superior force.”

That force, he said, could only be applied by people “they recognise as capable of competing with them in their own tactics, tracking, bush cunning, lore or living”. Of course, white discipline was always required. “I reiterate that a strong well-officed Native Police detachments constantly patrolling among them are absolutely necessary,” he concluded.

It was the end of resistance a few years later that made those patrols unnecessary. The black trackers were rolled into the regular Queensland police while the native force was quietly forgotten.

The Native Police was an inconvenient reminder of Queensland’s previous poverty. But it had done the work of its masters and the Aboriginal people had been defeated. Many were killed, while survivors would be mopped up into reserves at Barambah (Cherbourg), Mappoon, Yarrabah, Woorabindah, Palm Island and other places. Queensland now mostly did belong to the whitefellas.

Noel Loos estimates 10,000 Aboriginal people died in the frontier conflict in Queensland, about half the total number of Aboriginal dead in frontier Australia. The monuments to them are few and far between.

At the going down of the sun and in the morning, we should remember them.